Inhabitants in sections within Angola’s primary city are still afraid to talk freely about July’s events, when uprisings paralyzed urban life and turmoil impacted several regions.
What began as a appeal among taxi drivers to oppose rising fuel prices escalated into multiple days of violence, causing at least numerous casualties and a multitude of apprehensions.
Roads were blocked with incendiary rubber, businesses were plundered, and confrontations broke out between activists and law enforcement.
This marked one of the most impactful waves of protest since the termination of the civil war in 2002.
In the lead-up to oil-rich Angola marking 50 years of sovereignty from Portugal, the movements highlighted persistent worries about need and wealth gaps.
Within communities where unrest peaked, few people are prepared to speak openly, fearing reprisals or targeting due to numerous apprehensions during and after the events.
"Situations could have escalated excessively, but we needed to make that much noise to rouse those in power," stated a youthful peddler from Luanda who chose to remain unnamed.
Since departing school before finishing formal schooling, he now offers beverages along one of the capital's busiest roads to provide for his family.
This individual represents millions grappling to get by amid gleaming skyscrapers constructed by oil revenues.
In his view, joining the opening stage of rallies was a way to express that "we have a voice" and that individuals in his situation deserve a piece of the resources of a country that is "rich for some, but bleak for a large segment of us."
Lack of employment for the youth has been a primary cause of protests in this youthful country where the middle age is under 16.
Unemployment among 15-to-24-year-olds is at 54%, according to government statistics. Out of 18,000,000 young people of employment age, only three million have jobs in the formal sector – indicating they receive consistent pay and pay taxes.
In Angola's main cities, a large population of idle adolescents who are no longer in school underscore the state's difficulty in addressing their ambitions.
"I only sell on the street when I can get enough money to buy the items," the street vendor explained. "There are months when I make no sales because business is so slow. Myself and many others live like this, and authorities ignore us. That’s why we refuse to stay quiet."
Local expert Gilson Lázaro was unsurprised by the summer protests. He argues that those at the heart of the demonstrations were the "dispossessed."
"These are young people, the most, who have nothing left but their lives. That is why they demonstrated openly without fear," he commented.
The demonstrations started without planning in some of Luanda's more crowded and underprivileged districts, where some inhabitants lack access to basic sanitation as well as other critical facilities.
Gradually, participants moved into the capital's central roads, causing turmoil and "revealing a public concern that has long existed but which the political elite has preferred to ignore," according to the sociologist.
"Over recent years, Angola has been moving into a deep social, economic, and, above all, leadership trust crisis. The root cause is the faulty way the country has been governed since the end of the civil war in 2002," Dr. Lázaro noted.
The Angolan government has adopted a contrary perspective.
A state spokesperson did not respond to a request for statement on the events and their consequences, but in a public speech, President João Lourenço made his position clear.
He criticized the protests as "acts committed by unaccountable people, manipulated by anti-patriotic local and overseas organizations through digital networks, bringing mourning, ruin of state and personal assets, limited availability to basic necessities and utilities, and unemployment for Angolans."
Regardless of repeated promises to broaden economic sectors, Angola remains concentrated in oil and gas, which are by far the country's primary overseas sales as well as the primary provider of state income.
"Raw materials are valuable, but the problem lies in how income are allocated," Angolan economist Francisco Paulo remarked. "If Angola followed models like Norway or Saudi Arabia, using oil wealth to bolster non-oil sectors and develop its workforce, it would be a blessing. Sadly, revenues here are misused on frivolous outlays with no tangible gain."
Subsequent to the ouster of former President Dos Santos, Angola endured five sequential periods of economic decline between 2017 and 2021.
Expansion only returned in 2022, primarily propelled by non-oil sectors. But current progress has had scant influence on the daily reality of citizens.
According to a study this year, the World Bank estimated that more than a third of the population subsist with less than $2.15 per day.
The report indicated that while the economy was expanding, it was not keeping up with population growth, meaning that, on average, people were experiencing declining wealth.
With national festivities nearing, plans including entertainment gatherings, official recognitions, and a soccer game involving global star Messi are in full swing.
But young scholar Lea Komba challenges the old socialist slogan "one people, one nation," popularized during the one-party Marxist-Leninist regime of the late 1970s.
"This is inaccurate that we all share the same reality. There is huge inequality. Young people in marginalized areas are almost condemned to extreme poverty, without quality education or decent jobs, even if they apply themselves and earn a degree," she remarked.
"These young people think with their basic needs, because hunger leaves them with no alternatives. They are the ones who took to the roads."
She added that "the authorities must look at underlying issues, not just results."
"The looting was simply the way young people found to generate focus from those in power."
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